Murder in public view: Five questions

Dear reader: Covering gender is often exhilarating. The passion. The ambition. The enablers. All of it. But this week began on a distressing note with the visuals of India’s leading athletes being dragged off to jail for trying to protest against sexual harassment. Then came the news of a grisly murder in full public view in the capital of India. Nobody intervened. Trigger warnings apply:

The Big Story

Murder in public view: Five questions

The stabbing and bludgeoning to death (I’ll spare you the details) on Sunday night of Sakshi, a 16-year-old girl in Delhi’s Shahbad Dairy, allegedly by 20-year-old Sahil Khan, a man she had earlier been in a relationship with, raises many, many disturbing questions.

Chief amongst these is: What could possibly breed this level of rage and violence against a young girl and that too by a man personally known to her?

Security officers outside the residence of the 16-year-old girl who was stabbed to death at Shahbad Dairy in New Delhi on Tuesday. (Source: HT)

The girl reportedly told Sahil she was no longer interested in him and ‘insulted’ him. Sahil seethed in rage for three days, stalked her and killed her on Sunday night while she was on her way to a friend’s son’s birthday party, according to the investigation so far. When he was arrested from Bulundshahar, Uttar Pradesh on Monday, he seemed unremorseful and calm.

Instead of sensationalising individual cases we need to understand that we have a systemic problem of male violence. We have become numb to the statistic that one in three women and girls over the age of 15 have been subjected to physical and sexual assault.

Or this one: 58% of all homicides of women are committed by intimate partners or family members.

Bystander apathy

Which brings me to my second question: Did not one person in the crowd think of calling the police? I can understand why you might hesitate in confronting an out-of-control man with a knife. But collectively, he could perhaps have been overpowered. At the very least, call the police. And yet it took 17 minutes for a beat constable, just 100 metres away, to receive a call from an informer. What does this say about us as a society?

A third question that is not out-of-place is why Shahbad Dairy on the ragged outskirts of north-west Delhi continues to be the worst crime zone in this crime-ridden city. In 2017, Rudraneil Sengupta wrote an incisive longform piece on the badlands of Delhi. When I visited a year later I discovered women leading such precarious lives that many were scared to go long distances to work for the very real fear that their children might go missing while they were gone. All the money spent on beautification projects to dress up the capital for G20 delegates cannot hide the rot on the outskirts.

The fourth: On social media, some people wondered what had changed since 2012 when public outrage over the December 16 gang-rape of a student forced the then UPA-led Congress government to change the law. I’m interested in the answer, if you have one, because the sullen indifference and positions taken according to political ideology are honestly, depressing.

And of course the fifth question, now almost inevitable given the religion of the accused perpetrator: Is this ‘love jihad’? As with the Aaftab Poonawala murder, the killing of Sakshi by a Muslim man immediately led to this conclusion. Delhi BJP head Virendra Sachdeva, within hours of the crime, concluded that Sahil was a “member of the love jihad gang working in a well-planned manner.” Sachdeva was responding to Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal who was scoring his own political brownie points by pointing fingers at lieutenant governor Vinai Kumar Saxena for the capital’s deteriorating law and order situation.

So, instead of introspection about violence against women, we now have a discussion that has been hijacked by ‘love jihad’ conspiracy theories. Never mind that the minister of state for home affairs told Parliament as recently as Feb 2020 that the government has no evidence of love jihad. But then why let facts come in the way of a good conspiracy tale?

If you are the victim of domestic violence, please reach out for help. You can call: Women’s Helpline 181Jagori (Delhi) 011-26692700, 8800996640Shakti Shalini (Delhi) 011-24373737 (Monday to Friday, 11 am-6 pm)Sneha (Mumbai) 9833052684

The big update

The wrestlers’ protest: A needlessly ugly stand-off

Inside, pomp and ceremony. Outside, a scrum and a scuffle. On Sunday, on their way to where the new Parliament building was being inaugurated, Delhi police arrested India’s most decorated wrestlers including Bajrang Punia, Sakshi Malik, Vinesh and Sangeeta Phogat.

Security personnel detain wrestler Sakshi Malik during wrestlers' protest march towards new Parliament building, in New Delhi on May 28 (Source: PTI)

The images that dominated the front pages of most newspapers were ‘horrifying’ to quote Abhinav Bindra, India’s first athlete to win an individual Olympic gold. The wrestlers resisted efforts and had to be physically lifted and dragged into waiting buses.

The athletes were arrested just outside the government-allotted home of Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, head of the Wrestling Federation of India and six-time BJP MP who has four criminal charges pending against him. Singh has been accused of sexual harassment by seven women, including a minor. He was not at home. He was posing for pictures at the new Parliament house.

Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh at the parliament inauguration. (Source: The Wire)

The Indian Express on Friday carried graphic details of the two police complaints that were finally filed against Singh after the Supreme Court’s intervention. The police is said to be investigating these charges that include demands for sexual favours, inappropriate touching and at least 10 complaints of outright molestation.

A crying shame

Following their release from jail a few hours later, the emotional athletes took the extreme step of announcing their plans to immerse their medals—between them they have 45 international ones—in the Ganga. But on the day of the planned immersion, farmer leader Naresh Tikait intervened and asked the athletes for five days to come up with a resolution.

Since then, khap panchayats have been meeting in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. They have set a deadline of June 9 for Singh’s arrest.The union government insists that questions are going on. India’s stringent POCSO (protection of children from sexual offences) law allows for the immediate arrest of the accused. Singh announced plans to hold a rally asking for the law to be amended. But his plans were nixed by Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath on the grounds that no permission was sought to hold a rally.

In numbers

While women’s workforce participation was up to 22.7% in March 2023, compared to just 20.4% of the previous year, the share of salaried employees fell to 54.2%, as work from home rules came to an end. More women opted instead for self-employment which saw its share rise to 38.5% from 37.9% in December 2023.

Source: Period Labour Force Survey data analysed by Business Standard.

Rest in power

Source: BBC

Ama Ata Aidoo, the first published female African dramatist and a former Ghanian minister of education died on Wednesday aged 81 after a brief illness . The playwright of The Dilemma of a Ghost, Anowa and, what LiteraryHub calls her classic, Our Sister Killjoy was a “towering figure among writers and feminists on the African continent.”

She spoke against the Western perception of the African woman as a downtrodden wretch, telling an interviewer in 1990 that West African women “have enjoyed a certain amount of the society’s regard and respect”. In 2014, she told BBC HardTalk, “People sometimes question me, for instance, why are your women so strong? And I say, that is the only woman I know.”

Aidoo was a major influence on a newer generation of women writers including Nigeria’s Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie.

Read the BBC’s tribute here. A ‘study in perplexity’ says this analytical piece in Leadership.

The long(ish) read

The Financial Times’s star investigative reporter Madison Marriage had a scoop on why Nick Cohen, a prominent left-wing columnist for the Guardian, had quit following years of unwanted sexual advances and groping of female journalists. Two women were willing to go on the record with the story, and the others had supporting documentation. So why did FT editor Roula Khalaf kill the story?

The New York Times looks at the troubling possibility of a sort of omerta amongst British media outlets. Unlike their American counterparts, where predatory editors have been brought to heel, these are smaller and cozier networks with journalists coming from the same elite schools. “In a traditional newsroom culture of drinking and gender imbalances, many stories of misconduct go untold, or face a fight.”

Read the story here.

Can’t make this s*** up

It’s a crime so macabre and, hopefully, so rare that it doesn’t even exist in the statute books. But the Karnataka high court has had to now ask the central government to amend the Indian Penal Code to provide for punishments under the category of carnal intercourse with a corpse.

The court’s request follows the acquittal of a man under the rape laws since there is no clause for his conviction under the circumstances of the particular crime he is accused of—raping a woman after he had murdered her. Fortunately, the man did not walk free but has been sentenced to rigorous life imprisonment for the crime of murder.

News you may have missed

Welcome to Ahilyanagar

Days after the statue of Ahilyabai Devi Holkar, the 18th century ruler of Malwa kingdom, along with that of educationist and reformer Savitribai Phule was ‘temporarily’ removed from Maharashtra Sadan, the state guesthouse in New Delhi, to make way for the birth anniversary celebrations of Hindutva ideologue V D Savarkar on May 28, Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde on Wednesday seemed to want to make amends. He announced the renaming of Ahmednagar district after Ahilyabai.

Bishop down

Franco Mulakkal (Source: ANI)

Pope Francis has finally accepted the resignation of Franco Mulakkal, the bishop of Jallandhar who was in 2018 accused of repeatedly raping a nun over a two-year period. It’s not very clear why the Vatican has chosen to ‘accept’ the resignation now, months after Mulakkal’s acquittal of all charges last year. But the official statement from the Vatican is that it was being done not as a disciplinary step but for the good of the diocese. An appeal against Mulakka’s acquittal is pending in the Kerala high court.

It’s pride month

Celebrating the good, the bad and the absolutely awful

In Japan, the only G-7 nation with no legal protection for same-sex unions, a court in Nagogya ruled on Tuesday that not allowing such marriages is unconstitutional. The court’s ruling, the second such over the past two years, is likely to add to pressure to change the law on same-sex marriage in the country, reports Reuters.

Times-are-a-changin’ in Caribbean island nations, former British colonies, where LGBTQ folk have had few legal protections. In the past 12 months, reports Bloomberg, Antigua & Barbuda, St Kitts & Nevis, and Barbados have repealed sodomy laws. Two more, St Lucia and Grenada could follow soon.

But in Uganda a draconian bill to introduce stringent anti-LGBTQI penalties, including the death sentence, was passed into law by President Yoweri Museveni on Monday.

Last week I reported on how Target was withdrawing some LGBTQ-themed merchandise following confrontational behaviour by some customers. The North Face has shown more spine by standing by its short film posted on social media that features drag queen Pattie Gonia. Watch it here.

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Free speech or homophobia? French soccer dips into the scrum.

Last month, French professional soccer players were tasked with a simple mission: wear a jersey with a rainbow-colored number during a match, to mark May 17, the International Day against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia.

But several players refused to participate on the grounds that it went against their personal beliefs. “Given my roots, my culture, the importance of my convictions and beliefs, it was not possible for me to participate in this campaign,” Nantes striker Mostafa Mohamed tweeted. “I hope that my decision will be respected.”

How do you balance the demands of a sports league that’s promoting a social agenda with the rights of players wanting to express their personal beliefs?

There have only been a handful of such incidents that pit French soccer players’ personal beliefs against club obligations, and the route forward for the appropriate response remains unpaved. Equality is a fundamental right in France, but so is freedom of expression. Players may not have a contractual obligation to participate in such campaigns, but many argue they have an ethical one.

“Sports are an echo of what is happening in society, and we’re seeing the same challenges of how to address delicate issues [like homophobia] in our workplaces and across society as in professional sports,” says Frédéric Buy, a professor of sports law. “We’re in uncharted territory.”

Last month, French professional soccer players were tasked with a simple mission: wear a jersey with a rainbow-colored number during a match, to mark May 17, the International Day against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia. Before each of their matches, players from the 40 participating Ligue 1 and Ligue 2 clubs stood before cameras behind a wide banner reading, “Gay or straight, we all wear the same jersey.”

But what was intended to be a small act against discrimination turned into a controversy after several players refused to participate on the grounds that it went against their personal beliefs. While some who refused stayed silent, others took to social media to ask for understanding.

“Given my roots, my culture, the importance of my convictions and beliefs, it was not possible for me to participate in this campaign,” Nantes striker Mostafa Mohamed wrote on Twitter. “I hope that my decision will be respected.”

How do you balance the demands of a sports league that’s promoting a social agenda with the rights of players wanting to express their personal beliefs?

The French government was unequivocal in its criticism of those who opted out – Sports Minister Amélie Oudéa-Castera said the players in question should be sanctioned. One week later, the Nantes club fined Mr. Mohamed an undisclosed amount, which was then donated to the French nonprofit SOS Homophobie. Other players who refused the jersey were sidelined during their matches.

There have only been a handful of such incidents that pit French soccer players’ personal beliefs against club obligations, and the route forward for the appropriate response remains unpaved. Equality is a fundamental right in France, but so is freedom of expression. Players may not have a contractual obligation to participate in such campaigns, but many argue they have an ethical one.

Stephanie Lecocq/Reuters

Minister for Sport Amélie Oudéa-Castera (center) called for sanctions against players who refused to participate in the French league's events for the International Day against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia.

When it comes to French professional athletes, where is the line between institutional and moral responsibilities?

“Sports are an echo of what is happening in society, and we’re seeing the same challenges of how to address delicate issues [like homophobia] in our workplaces and across society as in professional sports,” says Frédéric Buy, a professor of sports law at the University of Aix-Marseille. “I expect we’ll see more cases of athletes going against their clubs in the future. But right now, we’re in uncharted territory.”

French soccer clubs are obligated to undertake a certain number of social actions if they want to benefit from a percentage of local government subsidies, be that volunteering in hospitals or working with young people in marginalized communities. The campaign against homophobia, in its third year, is part of a larger attempt by France’s Professional Football League (LFP) to show that it’s committed to tackling major societal issues like discrimination.

The LFP has led a similar campaign, in its second year, against racism and antisemitism. While French – and European – soccer has struggled to wipe out racism, it is increasingly recognized and condemned.

However, the same cannot be said for homophobia. Chants, banners, and slurs remain regular parts of French soccer culture, and thus far, no active professional male player here has come out publicly as gay.

At least five French players refused to participate in this year’s anti-homophobia campaign – as well as former Paris Saint-Germain player Idrissa Gueye last year – but it is difficult to know the true number. Some players cited illness or injury as reasons to avoid stepping on the pitch in the rainbow-numbered jerseys.

“There is still a taboo surrounding homosexuality in soccer, and the issue has not evolved in decades,” says Didier Reynaud, a member of Rouge Direct, a nonprofit that fights against homophobia. “Did we see any players speak out to condemn those who refused to participate in this campaign? No. One campaign per year isn’t going to make a difference unless the [French Football Federation], clubs, trainers, and even announcers start denouncing homophobic behavior.”

“To say you don’t support homosexuality because of your religious beliefs is a pseudo-justification,” says Jean-Christophe Lapouble, a sports law professor at the University of Poitiers. “French sports are secular. We can’t allow players to use the excuse, ‘My religion says homosexuality is a sin.’ That cannot be tolerated.”

The federation conveyed its “regret” over the “behaviors of certain players,” but its national ethics council said it would not bring them before a disciplinary committee. Instead, the council said players would have their actions on their conscience and that in refusing to participate, they endorsed discrimination.

Daniel Cole/AP/File

Nimes fans hold up a banner that reads "with us, no homophobia" before the start of the Ligue 1 match between Nimes and Brest at the Stade des Costieres in Nimes, France, on Aug. 31, 2019.

But when it comes to sanctioning players – financially or otherwise – it’s a gray area legally. Homophobia is considered a criminal offense in France, and nondiscrimination is part of the country’s new sports ethics code. But no players explicitly spoke out against homosexuality.

“Freedom of expression can be both positive and negative. It allows for the right to say something but also the right to not say something,” says Mr. Buy, the law professor. “These players clearly used that right to not take a stand [against homophobia].”

It’s also unlikely that players’ contracts contain specific stipulations about joining anti-discrimination campaigns. Professional footballers are protected by France’s strong labor laws, and it is difficult to impose things on them, right down to their choice of shoes. But as pressure mounts for players to “do the right thing,” that could change.

“Every player’s contract can be bespoke,” says Andy Scott, an international football editor for the Agence France-Presse in Paris. “It can be as specific as ‘This player will have a VIP box for his family at matches.’ There’s no reason why going forward, participating in these types of [anti-discrimination] campaigns couldn’t be included in a contract. As in, ‘You must participate in these campaigns because it’s damaging for our image if you don’t.’”

Beyond contractual or legal obligations, however, some observers have argued that professional footballers – with their global influence – have a moral and ethical responsibility to take part in campaigns that promote equal rights, and that it’s in their best interest to do so, even if it doesn’t match with their personal values.

“Unlike when this situation happened last year, the French ethics body came out publicly this time to denounce the players,” says Louis Catteau, a doctoral candidate at the University of Paris Nanterre who is researching the frontier between ethics, law, and sports. “So even if there’s no legal weight behind that, it’s an official public reaction about what the right thing to do is, and that inevitably has an impact.”

But doing “the right thing” is subjective, and French professional footballers are a celebration of diversity, in terms of age, education, and socioeconomic background. And that can create tensions.

“Each player comes to the team with their own identity, belief system, and things they’ve been taught their entire lives,” says Michaël Barer, the director and co-founder of Les Racines de Demain, a nonprofit that promotes interfaith cooperation.

“In this instance [of the anti-homophobia campaign], the club needed to explain to players why they were doing it and why it was important,” he says. “You can’t ask people to support something they don’t understand. Then, they could address the concerns of players who were against it instead of just reacting afterwards when there’s a problem.”